Meg 1,2,3,4

Topics: Linguistics, English language, Second language Pages: 17 (5805 words) Published: March 8, 2013
Examples and Observations:
"Code-switching performs several functions (Zentella, 1985). First, people may use code-switching to hide fluency or memory problems in the second language (but this accounts for about only 10 percent of code switches). Second, code-switching is used to mark switching from informal situations (using native languages) to formal situations (using second language). Third, code-switching is used to exert control, especially between parents and children. Fourth, code-switching is used to align speakers with others in specific situations (e.g., defining oneself as a member of an ethnic group). Code-switching also 'functions to announce specific identities, create certain meanings, and facilitate particular interpersonal relationships' (Johnson, 2000, p. 184)."

"In a relatively small Puerto Rican neighborhood in New Jersey, some members freely usedcode-switching styles and extreme forms of borrowing both in everyday casual talk and in more formal gatherings. Other local residents were careful to speak only Spanish with a minimum of loans on formal occasions, reserving code-switching styles for informal talk. Others again spoke mainly English, using Spanish or code-switching styles only with small children or with neighbors."

African American Vernacular English and Standard American English "It is common to find references to black speakers who code switch between AAVE [African American Vernacular English] and SAE [Standard American English] in the presence of whites or others speaking SAE. In employment interviews (Hopper & WIlliams, 1973; Akinnaso & Ajirotutu, 1982), formal education in a range of settings (Smitherman, 2000), legal discourse (Garner & Rubin, 1986), and various other contexts, it is advantageous for blacks to have code-switching competence. For a black person who can switch from AAVE to SAE in the presence of others who are speaking SAE, code switching is a skill that holds benefits in relation to the way success is often measured in institutional and professional settings. However, there are more dimensions to code switching than the black/white patterns in institutional settings."

"A Fuzzy-Edged Concept"
"The tendency to reify code switching as a unitary and clearly identifiable phenomenon has been questioned by Gardner-Chloros (1995: 70), who prefers to view code switching as a 'fuzzy-edged concept.' For her, the conventional view of code switching implies that speakers make binary choices, operating in one code or the other at any given time, when in fact code switching overlaps with other kinds of bilingual mixture, and the boundaries between them are difficult to establish. Moreover, it is often impossible to categorize the two codes involved in code switching as discrete and isolatable."

Code Switching and Language Change
"The role of CS, along with other symptoms of contact, in language change is still a matter of discussion . . .. On the one hand the relationship between contact and language change is now generally acknowledged: few espouse the traditional view that change follows universal, language-internal principles such as simplification, and takes place in the absence of contact with other varieties (James Milroy 1998). On the other hand, . . . some researchers still downplay the role of CS in change, and contrast it with borrowing, which is seen as a form of convergence.

If a particular word of L2 does not have its equivalent in L1, we may resort to code mixing, example the hindi word 'rangoli'. or
Direct vocabulary teaching is a common component of speaking classes. Free from the formality, the direct attention, and the extra work of this traditional approach, a phenomenon called ‘code-mixing’ may be a useful technique to introduce target vocabulary items. Code-mixing involves the use of an L1 word in an L2 utterance—a common occurrence in bilingual or immigrant communities. This study involved code-mixing, a little-known technique...
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